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              <text>Populism, the rule of law, and democracy are concepts currently circulated public and academic debates throughout Europe, with the European Commission itself accruing more competences in this area. However, the diversity of definitions, legal and democratic cultures and judicial landscapes in the EU not only inhibit the study of the current rule of law breakdowns, but fail to address the crux of the issue at the European level. This study focuses on the implications of the election of populism into national legislatures for EU governance by raising the question “how do developments at concerning national populism in new member states affect the rule of EU law?”. Starting from a theoretical framework centred on rational and sociological understandings of political behaviour, and an overview of the rule of EU law and the EU's enforcement mechanisms, this study employs a linear regression model with panel-corrected standard errors and a Rare Events Logistic Regression to quantify the impact of national populism on one of the most important aspects of the EU legislative process: the transposition of EU directives into national statute books. The study finds that the presence of populists in national legislatures increases the number of infringement cases opened by the European Commission against the respective member state due to a failure to accurately transpose a Directive and uphold the rule of EU law, and it also increases the likelihood that the case will be referred to the Court of Justice of the European Union following continued noncompliance with the Commission’s recommendations and warnings. The evidence points to the issue of the stunted socialisation of the new Member States into EU values and the urgency with which EU institutions must revise – by Treaty reform or otherwise – the safeguards for the rule of EU law.</text>
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              <text>Populism, the rule of law, and democracy are concepts currently circulated public and academic debates throughout Europe, with the European Commission itself accruing more competences in this area. However, the diversity of definitions, legal and democratic cultures and judicial landscapes in the EU not only inhibit the study of the current rule of law breakdowns, but fail to address the crux of the issue at the European level. This study focuses on the implications of the election of populism into national legislatures for EU governance by raising the question “how do developments at concerning national populism in new member states affect the rule of EU law?”. Starting from a theoretical framework centred on rational and sociological understandings of political behaviour, and an overview of the rule of EU law and the EU's enforcement mechanisms, this study employs a linear regression model with panel-corrected standard errors and a Rare Events Logistic Regression to quantify the impact of national populism on one of the most important aspects of the EU legislative process: the transposition of EU directives into national statute books. The study finds that the presence of populists in national legislatures increases the number of infringement cases opened by the European Commission against the respective member state due to a failure to accurately transpose a Directive and uphold the rule of EU law, and it also increases the likelihood that the case will be referred to the Court of Justice of the European Union following continued noncompliance with the Commission’s recommendations and warnings. The evidence points to the issue of the stunted socialisation of the new Member States into EU values and the urgency with which EU institutions must revise – by Treaty reform or otherwise – the safeguards for the rule of EU law.</text>
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                <text>Post-accession (De)Europeanisation: Patterns of Domestic Institutional Reform in Poland and Romania</text>
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                <text>Politics and International Studies </text>
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                <text>Andrei Ciocoiu</text>
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                <text>An evaluation of changing perceptions of Spanish youth regarding Gibraltar over time, as well as the United Kingdom more broadly</text>
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                <text>School of Modern Languages&#13;
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                <text>Does Income Equality Make Us Populist?</text>
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                <text>Populism, a group of political ideas that are addressing the "ordinary people" who feel disregarded by established elite groups, has not lost significance in the last years. Despite the recent political failures of a few populist leaders, anti-elitist and anti-immigrant parties continue to be prevalent around the world.&#13;
&#13;
The general narrative around populism tends to limit its focus to unemployment, immigration and inequality. Germany provides a suitable case study to test if these factors are significant predictors since its Eastern states continue to give the most support to the far-right populist Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), despite East Germany's low levels of income inequality, unemployment and share of foreigners.&#13;
&#13;
To explore the relationship between income inequality and populism, quantitative data is used to regress the share of AfD votes on Bundesland Gini coefficients. Our results are then controlled for year dummies, unemployment, share of foreigners, East/West dummies and complemented by further qualitative research on the historical, political and socio-economic context.&#13;
We found that (1) the strong negative correlation between regional income inequality and populism is due to the absorption of other implications of the 40-year-long state socialism, (2) regional, Bundesland-level inequalities are not significant predictors of populist success as country-level inequalities are considered by voters and (3) perceptions of socio-economic and political issues have a greater role in electoral outcomes than the real size of these issues.&#13;
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                <text>Szebasztian Csernik-Tihn</text>
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